By
Donald Zuhn ––
A
report in last week's Time magazine focuses
on the ongoing debate over "an obscure but crucial health-care provision": follow-on biologics data exclusivity —
the period of time that generic biologic manufacturers would have to wait
before they are allowed to use an innovator's data to secure FDA approval for
their generic biologics, or biosimilars, under a follow-on biologics regulatory
pathway. The article, entitled
"How Drug-Industry Lobbyists Got Their Way on Health Care,"
examines the reasons behind the passage, by the House Committee on Energy and
Commerce, of a health care reform amendment that would prevent the FDA from
approving a biosimilar application until 12 years after the date on which the
reference product — the innovator biologic — was first licensed (see "House Committee Approves
Health Care Reform Bill Calling for 12-Year Exclusivity Period"). (The Senate Health, Education, Labor
and Pensions (HELP) Committee has approved a similar amendment; see "Senators Champion 12-Year Data
Exclusivity in Senate.")
The
Time article nicely characterizes the
dilemma facing both the House and Senate on the data exclusivity issue, stating that
legislators are trying to balance the need "to foster cost-saving
competition without killing the financial incentives that have put the U.S.
biotechnology industry at the vanguard of medical science and without stifling
the development of even more drugs that could save lives and eliminate
suffering." However, while acknowledging
the adverse consequences that might result if Congress chooses the
"wrong" data exclusivity period, the article seems to side with Rep.
Henry Waxman (D-CA), who favors a 5-year data exclusivity period, and the generic
drug manufacturers rather than with innovator companies and their army of lobbyists. With respect
to the passage of a 12-year data exclusivity period by the House Committee on
Energy and Commerce — a Committee chaired by Rep. Waxman — the article argues
that "Waxman's loss . . . was a big victory for drug companies, which have
spent more than any other segment of the medical industry to make sure that
they come out winners in the effort to overhaul the nation's health-care
system." The article notes
that biotech/pharma companies and their trade associations utilized 1,288
lobbyists and spent more than $110 million in the first six months of the year lobbying
lawmakers. In a paragraph at the
end of the article, Teva Pharmaceutials' expenditure of $2 million on lobbying
is mentioned, but lobbying efforts by the rest of the generic industry or its
trade associations (such as the Generic Pharmaceutical Association, where Rep.
Waxman spoke on September 18th and back in February; see "Congressman Waxman Tells GPhA Meeting that Hatch-Waxman
Model Will Work for Follow-on Biologics")
are not explored.
In
addition to Rep. Waxman's call for a 5-year data exclusivity period, the
article discusses the Obama Administration's support for a 7-year period (see "White House Recommends 7-Year
Data Exclusivity Period for Follow-on Biologics")
and the FTC's support for no data exclusivity period (see "No One Seems Happy with Follow-on Biologics According to
the FTC"). The article also
mentions the study conducted by Duke University Prof. Henry Grabowski (see "Professor Grabowski's Economic
Analysis of Data Exclusivity for Follow-on Biologic Drugs"), which is frequently
cited in support of double-digit exclusivity periods, but notes that Prof.
Grabowski's study was funded by the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers
of America (PhRMA) and two patient groups:
One,
called RetireSafe, receives regular infusions of "general operating
support" from Pfizer and operates out of a small Washington law-firm
office. . . . The other group, the Alliance of Aging
Research, is also run by the drug industry. Its chairman is the managing
partner of Foxkiser, a drug-company consultant, and its vice chairman is with
Novartis.
The
Time article does not mention,
however, that Prof. Grawbowski's study remains the only peer-reviewed analysis
of the topic.

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